Friday, May 13, 2011

E300 Home Page

Welcome to English 300, Introduction to Literary Genre
Spring 2011 at California State University, Fullerton


This blog will offer posts on many of the authors on our syllabus as optional reading. While the posts are not exactly the same as what I may choose to say during class sessions (i.e. these are not usually exact copies of my lecture notes), they should prove helpful in your engagement with the authors and in arriving at paper topics and studying for the exam.

A dedicated menu at my WIKI SITE contains the necessary information for students enrolled in this course; when the semester has ended, this blog will remain online, and a copy of the syllabus will remain in the Archive menu.

Required Texts

Booth, Alison and Kelly J. Mays. The Norton Introduction to Literature. Shorter Tenth Edition. New York: Norton, 2010. Paperback. ISBN-13: 978-0393935141.

MLA Handbook for Writers of Research Papers. 7th Edition. New York: Modern Language Association of America (MLA), 2009. ISBN-13: 978-1603290241.

Week 16, Drama -- Arthur Miller's The Death of a Salesman

05/11. Wed. Arthur Miller. Death of a Salesman (1646-1711).

Notes on Arthur Miller's The Death of a Salesman
 

ACT ONE

You can gain a lot of understanding just from Arthur Miller's stage directions. The opening melody is pastoral, while the scene that opens up before us is in Brooklyn. I believe it was Henry David Thoreau who said that most people lead lives of quiet desperation, and the way this set is designed seems bent upon opening up Willy Loman's middle-class household to scrutiny: the dream will not be mocked, but it will be exposed, put on display. "An air of the dream clings to the place, a dream rising out of reality." And then there's the kitchen, which is a real kitchen in the middle of the stage. Everything is stripped down to its bare essentials, there is nowhere for fraud to hide. The American dream, I think it's fair to say, is contradictory as it is rendered in this play: is both a pastoral ideal and a tale of advances wrought by never-ending ambition. This insight begins to open up when we hear the characterization of Linda Loman, who idolizes her husband and "admires him, as though his mercurial nature, his temper, his massive dreams and little cruelties, served her only as sharp reminders of the turbulent longings within him, longings which she shares but lacks the temperament to utter and follow to their end." I don't mean to take away from her dignity because she is a very dignified character in her way, but that sounds an awful lot like Stockholm syndrome, where the victim comes to identify with the aggressor. Perhaps that is putting things a little too harshly, but there is at least a hint of it.

1646-47. The first thing we see after the house itself, is Willy Loman. And the description of him as profoundly realistic: he is dead tired. Exhaustion is simply a fact of life for this hard-working man. And he is rather old, an old 60. Willie unburdens himself to Linda about nearly getting into an automobile accident, so entranced was he, he says, by the beautiful scenery. This is a man riven by contradictions – he sees himself as an urban salesman, but he loves the countryside.

1648-49. Willie spends much time complaining how "lost" his son Biff has become – isn't that he doesn't work hard, it's that he's just going nowhere. Willie is quite contradictory in the way he speaks about Biff. He also complains about the growth of the population – which is an odd argument to make for a city-based salesman. But there you have it. Having just seen the Dustin Hoffman version of this play, I must say a great deal probably depends on how the actor chooses to play Willy Loman: his treatment of Linda is at times very unkind and peremptory, but Hoffman starts right out with a version of Willy who is almost senile in his cruelty and explosiveness. You could play him more quietly than that. It's an actor's choice.

1650-51. Willie keeps referring to an idealized past, one in which his wonderful sons were always polishing the new car, and so forth. Back in 1928, they had a fine Chevy, and ominously, Willy tells Linda, "I could have sworn I was driving that Chevy today." His mind really does tend to wander time frames, and he has become confused about who and where he is. The stage directions by Miller are interesting – they are very explicit in describing the inner lives of the characters themselves. Happy is on the surface contented and exudes animal sexuality, but at the same time he is confused. His seeming content comes only from the fact that "he has never allowed himself to turn his face toward defeat." The older son Biff is perhaps closer to the old man, since while he has lost his self-assurance, "his dreams are stronger and less acceptable" than are those of his brother. The older brother then asks an ominous question, "Why does Dad mock me all the time?" He senses that his father has never approved of him, never really been proud of him. And both brothers are of course worried about their father's confusion.

1652-53. The older brother explains that he has been working for a while on a farm, and he really enjoys doing that. He has tried to become what his father was, but he is not cut out for it. So he summons up a simulacrum of his father's ambition, and comes back home. Feeling that he has wasted his life up to this point. That he has never grown up. The younger brother is really in a quandary as well: on the surface, he is more successful, but he is also lonely and is beginning to realize that even if he steps up the ladder, he probably won't get to enjoy what he finds there. Successful, ambitious people had really better love their jobs because they spend most of their time working. And Happy does not enjoy the business work he is doing. In truth, both of these young men have something of their father's love of the countryside and would just as well spend their time there. But that option is not really available to them, given who their father is. Happy is quite the man for the ladies, but that doesn't make him any happier. It's really just what I've heard called "genital gymnastics." In a word, competition.

1654-55. Willie enters, and it is clear that he is talking to his sons in a different time, a time when they were much younger and perhaps more amenable to his direction and advice. He thinks Biff is still in school. And I think the stage directions have the two sons appear in that younger form, almost as ghosts sprung from Willy's imagination. What we are seeing is what Willy is fantasizing at this moment, not the grown up men now in the house.

1656-57. As the imaginary conversation continues, Charley puts in his first imaginary appearance. The man is not liked, says Willy. Neither is imaginary Bernard well-liked – he isn't well liked because he confronts Willy with a primal moment: one that would have forced him to face the fact that his eldest son cannot measure up to his expectations. He's just about to flunk math. The only thing that matters, says Willy, is to be liked – that's the secret handshake of business life. Not grade you got in school.

1658-59. And the conversation from the past continues with Linda being informed just how much money Willy has earned in Providence Rhode Island, in Boston and other places. But by the bottom of 1658, we are back to the present: bills need to be paid, and Willy isn't doing so well anymore. The kitchen is the locus of reality, of the sad present, the place where will he now realizes his "boys" seem to be always laughing at him, and he doesn't know why. Increasingly, as a salesman he is failing and cannot even keep his temper. He is becoming fat and sensitive about that.

1660-61. As Willy compliments his wife for once, THE WOMAN is now seen. This is another flashback to Willy's adulterous liaison. When he says, "I'll make it all up to you, Linda," he seems to be talking about his affair, that there's no way for Linda to know what's going on in his head. Another flashback to when happy and this Biff were younger and in school, and a mention of brother Ben. Ben is a ghostly presence, he is the smiling Heart of Darkness in the play, the ruthless capitalist ideal hidden beneath the tidy suit. And already Willy is in competition with this shadowy presence. He really should've gone to Alaska like Ben and earned his fortune there. He should've been a successful, self-made man by imitating Ben. There's also a mention that the elder son has a problem with stealing things – he has had that problem since childhood.

1662-63. Charley offers Willy a job, but it's obvious that's humiliating to this man who sees himself as a successful salesman. Willy's relationship to Charley depends on his being able to insult the man, to see him as less of a man than he is. At this point, the self-assured uncle Ben enters at the front of the stage, and the directions tell us that uncle Ben is utterly self-assured – he knows who he is and he knows he is a success. Willie points out that Uncle Ben recently passed away and the implication is that the man had not even been in communication with him for a long time. Nevertheless, Willy idolizes his brother. For him, this ghost represents the fearless pursuit of the American dream – he's a rugged individualist who won't take no for an answer from destiny.

1664-65. Well it turns out that Ben went to Africa. One wonders if anything Willy says about Ben is true – the fellow is the stuff of pure myth. Made all of his money in diamonds, etc. Willie doesn't seem to remember much about his own father, either. "All I remember is a man with a big beard," he admits to the imaginary Ben.

1666-67. The conversation with Ben is very revealing here – Willy admits that he misses his absent father, and wishes that Ben would stay even a few days. So much of his psyche is patterned after being the strong father he can only imagine, the one who left him or died when he was very young. Willie says that he feels "kind of temporary about myself," a very interesting phrase. Brother Ben tells him that he "walked into the jungle" at the tender age of 17, and the rest, we are to understand, is capitalist history. And with that we are confusedly back to the present, with Linda and Biff worryingly discussing Willy's conduct.

1668-69. Linda explains that Willy is always at his worst and most confused when his sons return home. Fights always break out amongst them. On 1669 especially, we come across one of those moments where the language becomes formal, heightened in its intensity. This moment occurs in the midst of a heated argument between Linda and the young men: "I don't say he's a great man. Willy Loman never made a lot of money. His name was never in the paper. He's not the finest character that ever lived. But he's a human being, and a terrible thing is happening to him. So attention must be paid. He's not to be allowed to fall into his grave like an old dog. Attention, attention must be finally paid to such a person." Willy isn't crazy, she's trying to say – he's just tired and in need of loving affection. No one knows him anymore, and the contacts that are the lifeblood of a salesman had deserted him. Linda knows exactly what's going on – she knows he's not making any money and that he has to borrow money from Charley. She bitterly reproaches her sons for their derogatory characterization of him.

1670-71. The eldest son isn't buying any of it, and he still calls his father "a fake." As for the car accidents Willy keeps getting into, he might as well forget his dream of leaving the insurance money to his family – the insurance company is on to the fact that his accidents don't seem like accidents at all. There was a witness at one of them who said she thought Willy deliberately tried to drive off a bridge. This is where they really confront the fact that Willy is "dying," as Linda puts it. He has reached the end of his rope. In addition to the car accidents, Linda knows that Willy has put a length of rubber pipe behind the fuse pipe where the gas is. So he is planning to asphyxiate himself. He is pretty much reached the stage that William Styron describes in his book Darkness Visible, the point at which a person cannot enter a room without looking at all the objects as means of self-destruction. The eldest son is moved by this at last.

1672-73. Willie reenters and enters into a bitter competition with his sons over who is the better businessman. They begin to discuss going into business in the sporting goods line, something that at least the athlete Biff should understand. And Willy is happy to hear them talking that way, happy that maybe now they will achieve the dream he has always had for them. Turns out that Biff is going to see Bill Oliver about a prospect. Willy's dream is of course cut from the cloth of American capitalist ideology – his personal dream, his individual dream, seems to be very closely modeled on the most unrealistic dream set forth by that ideology. Total success, knock them dead, come out on top of the competitive pile and you'll be happy.

1674-75. Willie goes to bed happy, firmly believing that now his son Biff is going to make good. He is at last going to live up to Willy's expectations that he will become something extraordinary, just like the old man. And he plans to ask Howard, his boss, to let him work in New York rather than traveling all the time now. This first act ends with the eldest son removing the rubber tubing from the heater, something he does with horror.

ACT TWO

I don't have time to do extensive notes at the moment for this act, but needless to say it is one long series of humiliations for Willy. First there is the humiliating conversation between him and his boss Howard from 1678-83, a conversation in the course of which he is fired and which is followed by an imaginary dialogue with Ben. Ben offers him a job in Alaska looking after timberland.

And then on 1686-88, Bernard – the grown-up Bernard – confronts him with a riddle: what happened all those years ago? Why didn't his eldest son make up that F grade in math by going to summer school? The answer is an ugly one of course – it is because Biff was crushed when he learned of his father's adulterous behavior with The Woman. It happened after he went.

Hard upon that comes the conversation with Charley on 1688 and following, and again Charley offers Willy a job he won't take. He will not work for Charley, no matter what.

Following that incident, there is the restaurant confrontation between Willie and his eldest son about that meeting with Bill Oliver today. Biff is forced to correct the record for Willy – he was never a true salesman but rather a sales clerk for this man. And he stole the fellow's pen on top of that out of anxiety and resentment. And again The Woman puts in an imaginary appearance, setting the stage for Biff's long-ago discovery of the two of them together. This discovery begins on 1699 and runs through 1701. And then we return to the present unhappy scene in the restaurant; Willy's sons have deserted him, and now he realizes it. The waiter won't even take his tip money out of respect, but it's humiliating all the same.

By 1702, Linda is out of all patience with her children, and orders them out of the house. But parental authority isn't what it used to be in this home, and in fact it never was what it used to be. The argument continues between the mother and her children. The eldest son wants to confront Willy even as he admits his own failings.

Meanwhile by 1704, things have gone very far indeed – Willy is having an imaginary conversation with Ben about that $20,000 which would come in so handy for the family. In other words, he's psyching himself up to commit suicide. That $20,000 is as solid as a diamond, thinks Willy, and frankly, Ben is disposed to agree, ruthless bastard that he is. Remarkable proposition! is Ben's final word on the matter.

1705, Biff is trying to get through to Willy, trying to explain that he's just not cut out for the plans his father had made for him. But that only succeeds in making Willy angry and confused. He charges his eldest son with abandonment and accuses him of acting only out of spite. The young man confronts him with the rubber hose, with the truth about his lamentable present. Biff's self-analysis is noteworthy – his father had led him to believe he should not take orders from anyone, that he should be impatient to get to the top of the heap. Perhaps then, stealing pens and other things was a way of taking control, of seizing what others would not immediately grant. The final terrible admission is simply "I'm a dime a dozen, and so are you!" And furthermore, "I am not a leader of men, Willy, and neither are you." And so on in that vein, which brings down something very like a father's curse on his head, but then a moment of great tenderness between them: "That boy – that boy is going to be magnificent!" But Willy is probably by now thinking of the son he knew in the past.

On 1708, following up on this tender moment, Ben makes another appearance, telling Willy, "The jungle is dark but full of diamonds, Willy." The jungle is the night into which Willy disappears, and his final car accident.

The Requiem affords two things: further humiliation because we find that Willy's funeral has been sparsely attended, but perhaps more important is the occurrence of one last attempt to understand him on the part of Charley and Linda. In suitably formal language, Charley justifies the choice of profession Willy made: "You don't understand: Willy was a salesman. And for a salesman, there is no rock-bottom to the life." As for Linda, she tries to talk to the departed man, explaining to them that she has finally paid off their house, but now that they are free and clear, the house is empty. Perhaps that means that the insurance money came through after all, but what does it matter by now? The word "free" is savagely ironic as well.

Week 15, Drama -- Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun

05/04. Wed. Lorraine Hansberry. A Raisin in the Sun (1583-1645).

Brief Notes on A Raisin in the Sun

The realism in this play is put in the service of elucidating the specifics of being African-American in Southside Chicago in the time period Hansberry is dealing with. It’s based on her own family’s experiences, as you may know – Hansberry v. Lee was a case that went to the Supreme Court and had to do with Mr. Hansberry’s desire to contest a restrictive racial covenant keeping him from buying property in a Chicago neighborhood. He won the suit.

What happens to a dream deferred? The dream, for this family, is in various states of deferral – Walter Lee is impatient and bold, Beneatha has dreams of becoming a doctor, Lena (Mama) at first can’t quite relate to the younger generation, and Ruth, Walter’s wife, is disappointed because she thinks nothing will ever change from her current domestic life and its chores.

What are the characters’ respective dreams? To what extent are any of them fulfilled? I’d say that the one fulfilled is the purchase of a home – that’s something Lena and the departed Mr. Younger always wanted to do, but never could. Now she has accomplished it. But the home by itself isn’t the fulfillment – the home must be lived in, and that’s the direction in which the family’s headed at the play’s end.

The frustrated dignity of old ways and ideas meets up with the boldness and anxiety of new ways and ideas, which plays out in the generational cross-talk of Mama and her kids. What are the ideas? Well, religion, the status of modern women, and race relations as well as a definition of what it means to be “black.” The context goes beyond America – it spreads out to Kenya, where Kenyatta and others were struggling for independence from Great Britain, which eventually happened late in 1963. Nigeria would become independent in 1960. The point is that there is a broad struggle for self-determination going on in the world against colonial powers like GB, and the younger characters are very well aware of that fight, see themselves in light of it. It increases their frustration with the domestic situation in America, and fuels their dreams of branching out, receiving full recognition. Notice Beneatha on assimilationism – to what extent should people of African descent in America want to “fit in,” and to what extent should they see themselves in something more like separatist or independent terms? That argument is already going on in the late 1950s and indeed you can trace it back to Marcus Garvey and beyond, in the 1920s. Liberia had been established way back in 1822, by former slaves. But I think you can see the mixed attitudes about that whole issue in this play. In general, the play keeps bringing up how the past and its ideas is at play in the present, but the transmission of those ideas is anything but perfect or clear, sometimes.

In their way, they are living out the strategies set forth by DuBois – Beneatha’s desire to join the “talented tenth” is pretty clear, while Walter thinks himself a practical businessman, which he really isn’t since he gets swindled from the outset.

The infusion of cash opens up new possibilities for everyone – money is vital in that sense; it provides distance from the crowd.

Week 14, Drama -- Chekhov's The Cherry Orchard

04/27. Wed. Anton Chekhov. The Cherry Orchard (1547-83).

Consider the play’s setting, turn of the century Tsarist Russia in the Reign of Nicholas II, son of the conservative Alexander III, who died in 1881. The Romanov line begins with Peter I “the Great” (1682-1725) who wanted to westernize Russia to some extent; Catherine II “the Great” (1762-96) is another illustrious member of the line.

Alexander I 1801-1825 (Napoleonic era)

Nicholas I 1825-1855 (status quo, empire grows; Crimean War against Ottomans leads to Western opposition)

Alexander II 1855-1881 (liberated serfs 1861, a reformer who was nonetheless killed by the Narodnaya Volya)

Alexander III 1881-1894 (conservative, didn’t follow his liberal father’s policies)

Nicholas II 1894-1917 (also conservative, defended monarchy from revolutionary pressures)

The eastern sensibility and feudal past long had a strong hold on Russia in spite of Peter the Great’s campaign to bring the country into the orbit of western Europe, and there seems to have been a distrustful relationship between the monarchy and the feudal lords. During the 1860s-70s, pressure came from the nihilists who opposed both the aristocrats and the bourgeoisie. From the 1880s onward, new pressure came from a nascent proletariat and intellectuals like Trotsky and Lenin who supported it, resulting first in the 1905 uprising and then in the 1917 October Revolution that ushered in the Soviet Union, which lasted until 1990.

Act I

The sway of the feudal past is a good entry point for Chekhov’s bitter comedy: it seems that the play’s protagonist, Lubov Andreyevna Ranevskaya, owner of an aristocratic estate with a beautiful old cherry orchard, is strongly oriented towards this past; she sees in it and in the place that embodies it a refuge from modern life, with its financial imperatives and its failure to appreciate the need for beauty, deep affection, and continuity of identity. These things are important to some of Chekhov’s characters – his plays tend to be about attitudes towards life, not about events, at least not directly. There’s one main event in The Cherry Orchard, and that’s the proposed and then actual chopping down of the orchard itself once Lopahin buys it at an auction. The other events have to do with historical developments beyond the play, not with anything the characters themselves are doing: I mean that Lubov’s plight is really that of the landowning class to which she belongs at the turn of the century; as an aristocracy tends to do, they are becoming more and more hedged in and superannuated. They may have a fine family history, but that doesn’t pay the bills. That’s worth something since, as Oscar Wilde says, “the only way to stay alive in the memory of the commercial classes is by not paying one’s bills.” Even so, not having money has a way of catching up with a person, as it does here in the case of Madame Ranevskaya.

We are also introduced to Yermolay Alexeyevich Lopahin, a prosperous merchant who comes from peasant stock –it’s undeniably his perspective that wins out in the end since he becomes the proprietor of the estate; in spite of his personal attachments to Madame Ranevskaya, who treated him and his family well, he stands firmly for modernity and utility. One doesn’t know quite what to make of him at times, as when on 1536 he calls himself a “pig in a pastry shop.” He can hardly believe how far he’s come in a short time, but such pronouncements may also mask bitterness and resentment at those whose heritage trumps his lowly upbringing.

The servants in this play also deserve attention because the clerk Yepihodov has proposed to Dunyasha the maid, even though she’s mainly interested in Yasha the valet. Together with the proposed Varya and Yermolay match, I suppose, this is where the traditional comic concern with successful marriages comes into play since the domestic arrangements of Madame Ranevskaya have been anything but comic – we find out about the death of her husband, the perfidy of her lover, and the drowning of her young son several years before the time of the play. That drowning is what makes the initial setting – the “nursery” room of the estate – so poignant. It isn’t a happy oblivion to which Madame Ranevskaya is returning after five years in Paris, but a place with both sweet and sorrowful associations. Anya is a conduit to this fact since it’s she who tells us on 1540 about Lubov’s loss of her husband and her son, Grisha.

Well, Lopahin is the man who knows what’s to be done: sto delat’, as the Russians say. Carve up the property around the orchard and the riverbank and lease the parcels to summer vacationers. Meaning, of course, that the magnificent old cherry trees would have to be cut down (1541). Old Firs (1542) remembers that they used to make good money by harvesting and drying the cherries, but that’s a lost art now. “They’ve forgotten,” he says – “Nobody remembers it.”

Towards the end of the first act, Pyotr Trofimov’s dialog with Madame Ranevskaya brings home to us the insight that her orientation towards the past is a complex, troubled one: on the one hand, the estate is a place she loves – on 1544 she speaks fondly of her “innocent childhood,” when she “used to sleep in this nursery.” At the same time, she indicates a need to forget the past: “If I could free my chest and my shoulders from this rock that weighs on me, if I could only forget the past!” Leaving it behind would, no doubt, allow her to accept the useful advice that Lopahin has given her about how to get clear of her debts and generate sufficient income. Trofimov was Grisha’s tutor, so his presence now reminds Madame Ranevskaya of the sad affair of six years ago, when Grisha drowned in the river.

Through it all, Lubov’s brother Leonid Andreyevich Gayev isn’t much help – he fancies himself quite the liberal opponent of the oppressive eighties under Alexander III, maybe even a minor version of the Turgenev-style superfluous man (1547). Leonid is capable of conceiving a number of plans to get his sister and the family out of their money troubles, but isn’t practical enough to execute any of them well. He’s a man without a point or purpose in life, and he tends to go on foolishly about things, until other characters tell him to pipe down.

Act II

In keeping with the play’s emphasis on character’s ties to and attitudes towards their own past and the present as predicament, we hear governess Charlotta musing about her personal history: “where I come from and who am I, I don’t know” (1548). Yepihodov, on the same page, comes across as a hopeless romantic, maybe a bit of a nihilist, with a comic bent. One doesn’t take him too seriously as he’s a creature of books, or so he tells us, anyway. On 1549, Dunyasha tells us that becoming part of the servant family on this estate has made her refined and fearful of change, of forces beyond her control: “I’m afraid of everything.” She also fears rejection by Yasha, that westernizing rascal of a servant to Madame Ranevskaya. She’s right about that – Yasha the allegedly overeducated man is hardly a sentimentalist, and I think Charlotta, something of the Shakespearean fool in her clarity and wisdom, sees through his act. As she says of Yepihodov, “These clever men are all so stupid….”

On 1549, Lopahin continues his promotion of the “cut and lease” scheme, while Madame Ranevskaya admits to her own frivolity when it comes to money – she is simply incapable of managing it in the thoroughly modern way. Her way is one of generous excess with unintended consequences: “the old people get nothing but dried peas to eat, which I squander money thoughtlessly.” On 1550, she provides the details of her unhappy past, what with her husband who “drank himself to death on champagne” and her son who drowned, and her lover who abused and abandoned her to the point of driving her to a suicide attempt. And “then suddenly I felt drawn back to Russia, back, to my own country, to my little girl” (1551), she reveals – this pull of the mother country is quite strong, and it has nothing to do with modernity, westernization, utility, or anything like that.

On 1552, old Firs the servant and former serf reminds us of the futility of trying to make sense of modern times – for him, liberty seems to be more confusing than exhilarating. What he misses is the human connection he felt, the feudal bond between servant and master, one which has been replaced by newfangled notions about mobility and liberty: “there’s no making out anything.” In that larger historical context, of course, this seems like a delusion, as all defenses of feudalism’s purported humaneness tend to be. Marx’s commentary in The Communist Manifesto that capitalism laid bare and owned outright the brutal exploitation of relations in pre-technical times seems on point: feudalism had only dishonestly masked the barbarity of master-slave relations, it had not constituted a bulwark against such inhumanity.

Trofimov’s modern thinking runs in that direction, too – his conversations with Gayev, Lopahin, whom he despises, and Anya are illuminating. What to do? Work, says Trofimov. Don’t look to the past with sentimentality, with nostalgia for some lost ideal, and don’t sit around like the Russian intelligentsia vainly building sand-castles in the air. The new, enlightened Russia must be built, not philosophized into existence. The irony here is that Trofimov is quite the man for waxing philosophical – advocating the centrality of work is, in fact, a central European philosophical move, as evidenced in the work of Hegel and then Marx. But at 1555, his recasting of the cherry orchard as a symbol of the oppressive past is powerful: he says such orchards symbolize Russia’s backwardness in the face of European progress. Labor in building the new Russia would be the way to expiate the landowner’s crimes of the past and pave the way for a less provincial future. Anya admits the effectiveness of this rhetoric on her, but of course she’s seventeen years old; Trofimov’s talk would have no such effect on Madame Ranevskaya, whose affection for the orchard is not so easily moved.

Towards the end of the second act, we first hear the “sound of a snapping string, mournfully dying away.” This sound and the appearance of the drunken beggar to whom Madame gives extravagantly are symbolically charged, a means of cutting through the mutual recriminations and contradictions and incompatibilities of the several characters. What Chekhov is describing, I think, is a Russia filled with competing poses and sentiments, none of which add up to a coherent picture or way of facing the present.

Act III

Varya’s quandary and distress. Lopahin’s advice would mean selling the estate she manages. At 1559, we find Madame Ranevskaya’s clearest definition of what the orchard means to her, and right after that comes a reproach against Trofimov for his dismissal of “love,” his failure of sentiment. At 1563, Lopahin announces he’s bought the cherry orchard – his brutality is hard to overlook at this point since he finds it impossible to refrain from gloating over this evidence for his newfound status.

Act IV

At 1566, Trofimov declares his independence from Lopahin – his idealistic views make him an alternative to the Lopahin/Ranevskaya opposition between practicality and sentiment. At 1567, Yasha wants to go to Paris again – anywhere but Mother Russia. At 1568, Pischchik the fellow landowner has leased some of his land to a mining concern: he has no genuine ties to his land or to the Russian past, so it’s easy for him to make the profitable choice. At 1569, the Lopahin/Varya match comes to nothing, and at 1570 theirs is a poignant leave-taking scene. At the play’s end, the old servant Firs lies down and becomes very still, and indeed he may have passed away. There’s no “renewal” for him, then.

What keeps the play from being a tragedy? Well, in a sense it’s simply that only old Firs the servant dies, but beyond that, the destruction of the cherry orchard also implies the possibility of letting go, of liberating oneself or being liberated from the places, things, and people that have kept one from living fully and in the present. Madame Ranevskaya really has no choice in the matter since, of course, she is in the common aristocratic predicament of being land rich and cash poor. Heritage doesn’t pay the bills, and she has no idea how to turn a profit on the estate or its produce, so Yermolay Lopahin the merchant’s advice is the only one that would have led to a way out. And he is the one who finally buys the estate and plans to chop down the orchard to make way for summer cottages and the income they will bring. Sometimes the terms “comedy” and “tragedy” are rather too narrow to do justice to a play. Henry James, in “The Art of Fiction,” writes in favor of keeping fiction (novels and short stories are his focus) wide open in terms of the rules it must obey, the better to embrace and reflect on all areas of life. Rules, after all, have a way of narrowing down the subjects that can be discussed, and forbidding artists from experimenting to capture something new. The same plea might be made for drama, I suppose – after all, Shakespeare, probably the greatest dramatist ever, never showed the least interest in conforming his efforts to some tradition-baked set of conventions: he didn’t follow standard definitions of tragedy or comedy, if he even fully knew them.

So in the present Chekhov play, we are left with the sound of the axe stroke and the symbolic snapping of a string. What to make of them, comic or tragic or something else in between? There’s no projected future to affirm or embrace, and in that sense the ending differs from Shakespearean romantic comedy. But it’s also the case that if anybody dies (I mean Firs), it isn’t from swordplay in accomplishing some revenge plot, or anything like that, but simply natural causes. Well, maybe that’s realism, too: as Henry David Thoreau said, "Most men lead lives of quiet desperation and go to the grave with the song still in them."

Saturday, April 30, 2011

Week 13, Drama -- Sophocles' Antigone

Introduction to Ancient Greek Theater
Best Books I’ve Come Across:

Easterling, P.E. The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997.

Kaufmann, Walter. Tragedy and Philosophy.

Ley, Graham. A Short Introduction to the Ancient Greek Theater. Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 1991.

McLeish, Kenneth. A Guide to Greek Theatre and Drama. London: Methuen, 2003.

Pomeroy, Sarah. Et al. Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999.

Classical theater flourished mainly from 475-400 B.C. I have posted a run-down of its history, mostly the major plays composed by our three extant tragedians.

Festivals: The Festivals of Dionysus at Athens were called the City Dionysia, which was held in March or April, and the Lenaea, which was held in January.

The God of Honor: Dionysus was an Olympian god, and the Greeks celebrated his rites in the dithyramb. In mythology, his followers were satyrs and mainades, or ecstatic females. We sometimes call him the god of ecstasy, and as Kenneth MacLeish says, he “supervis[ed] the moment when human beings surrender to unstoppable, irrational feeling or impulse” (1-2). His agents are wine, song, and dance. Song and dance were important to Dionysian rites, and the participants apparently wore masks.

At the festivals, three tragic writers would compete and so would three or five comedic playwrights. The idea was that each tragedian would present three plays and a satyr play; sometimes the three plays were linked in a trilogy, like the Oresteia. So the audience had a great deal of play going to do during the festival seasons; the activities may have gone on for three or four days, with perhaps four or five plays per day. The Oregon Shakespeare Festival provides something like this pace.

Organization: How were the festivals organized? Well, the magistrate was chosen every year by lot – the archon. Then, dramatists would apply to the magistrate for a chorus, and if they obtained a chorus, that meant that they had been chosen as one of the three tragic playwrights. After that affair was settled, wealthy private citizens known as choregoi served as producers for each playwright. The state paid for the actors, and the choregos paid chorus’ training and costumes. So there was both state and private involvement in the production of a tragedy or comedy.

The Playwrights: Aeschylus 525-456 B.C. / Sophocles 496-406 B.C. / Euripides 485-406 B.C.

Aeschylus composed about 80 dramas, Sophocles about 120, Euripides perhaps about 90. Aristophanes probably wrote about 40 comedies. Dramatists who wrote tragedies did not compose comedies, and vice versa.

The playwright was called a didaskalos, a teacher or trainer because he trained the chorus who were to sing and dance. As drama developed, the playwright also took care of the scripts and the music. He was something like a modern director, and may at times have acted in his own plays, especially in the early stages of his career. A successful dramatist could win prizes, but generally, playwrights were able to support themselves independently by land-holdings. Sophocles, for example, was a prominent citizen – he served as a general and treasurer. Aeschylus was an esteemed soldier against the Persian Empire, and his tombstone is said to have recorded his military service, not his prowess as a playwright.

The Theater: The theater for the City or Great Dionysia was located on the south slope of the citadel of Athens, the Acropolis. Let’s look at a later reconstruction: http://www.didaskalia.net/StudyArea/recreatingdionysus.html.

The theater had three parts:

Theatron: this was for seating around 14,000 spectators; it was probably at first of wood, but later it was of stone.

Orchestra: this was for the chorus to sing and dance in and for the actors, when their function was developed.

Skene: this was at first a tent-like structure that served as a scene-building, and it had a door for entrances and exits. The Oresteia requires one, though perhaps the earliest plays didn’t.

Costume was important, too, because it could be used to determine factors like status, gender, and age.

The chorus remained important in drama, especially in Aeschylus. At some point, a choregos (legend says it was “Thespis,” hence actors are “thespians”) stepped forth and became the first actor, or answerer (hypocrites). So the composer was the first participant to turn choral celebration into what we call drama, with a plot and interaction between characters. Apparently Aeschylus or Sophocles added a third actor. The former’s early plays required only two actors, but even that was enough to make for interesting exchanges between the chorus and the actors and, to some extent, between the actors and each other. With three actors, of course, the possibilities for true dramatic dialogue and action are impressive.

Audience: Would have consisted mostly of male citizens—the ones who ran Athenian democracy by participating in the Assembly. There would probably have been very few, if any, slaves or women present, and perhaps some resident aliens or “metics” and visiting dignitaries. Drama was surely a male-centered affair, as was the political life of Athens. Public speaking was vital in democratic Athens—anyone who was someone in the legal/political system needed to know how to move and convince fairly large numbers of men. Theater and political life, as we shall see from Aeschylus, were in fact closely connected: the same skills were required, and the same class of people participated (male kyrioi, or heads of households who also performed military service). So while the stuff of tragedy seems almost always to have been the ancient myth cycles, the audience watching the plays would have felt themselves drawn in by the dramatists’ updating of their significance for the major concerns of the 5th-century B.C. present. And that present was, of course, the age of the great statesman Pericles (495-429 B.C.), who drove home the movement towards full Athenian democracy from 461 B.C. onwards and who at the same time furthered a disastrous course of imperial protection and aggression that had ensued from victory in the Persian Wars around 500 B.C. Greek tragedy grew to maturity in the period extending from the battles of Marathon on land in 490 B.C. and the naval engagement at Salamis in 480 B.C., on through the Second Peloponnesian War from 431-404 B.C., in which the Athenians lost to Sparta the empire they had gained during half a century of glory following the victories over Persia. Athens’ supremacy didn’t last long as such things go, but it burned brightly while it lasted, and festival drama, along with architecture, sculpture, and philosophy, was among its greatest accomplishments. So the dramas took place in one of the most exciting times in Western history – both heady and unsettling at the same time, shot through with violence, democratic and artistic flowering, victory, and great loss.

A Return to the Mask, Our Way in to the Discussion of Aristotle:


The masks tell us something about tragedy: with linen or clay masks, a single actor might play several roles, or wear several faces of the same character. Wilde said, “give a man a mask, and he’ll tell you the truth.” His quip should remind us that masks don’t discourage expression — as Kenneth MacLeish says, they had religious significance in the theater: participants in Dionysian rites offered up their personal identity to the god, and further, he continues:

Wearing a mask does not inhibit or restrict the portrayal of character but enhances it, allowing more, not less, fluidity and suppleness of movement; and the character created by or embodied in the mask and the actor who wears it can feel as if it has an independent identity which is liberated at the moment of performance – an unsettlingly Dionysian experience. (9)

That emphasis on what we might call expression is important especially because – Aristotle’s claims about plot being the soul of tragedy notwithstanding – not that much really happens in many Greek tragedies. You don’t get five chariot chases and multiple flurries of semi-automatic bow-and-arrow fire in each performance. Those things are no doubt in the plays that have been lost…. What you get, instead, is chorus members and characters “taking up an attitude” towards the few well-packaged, exciting things that take place on or off the stage. The action is important, but characters’ words and attitudes help us, in turn, “take up an attitude” towards the action. Perhaps when Aristotle emphasizes plot so much, he’s taking for granted the great power of the Dionysian mask to support the plot in driving us all towards “catharsis.” Character, he says, will be revealed through action; we might add that it will be revealed while characters relate themselves to the action, thus drawing out the action’s significance. In this way, everything still revolves around action.

Aristotle’s theory of drama: if you would like to read something about it, please see my Fall 2007 E491 Literary Theory blog (http://www.ajdrake.com/blogs/491_fall_07/index.html), where (in the entry for Week 3) I cover The Poetics in some detail. In Aristotle’s view, a well-constructed plot that follows probability and necessity will induce the proper tragic emotions (pity and fear or terror), with the result being “catharsis,” a medical term that may be interpreted as “purgation” (of emotion) and/or as “intellectual clarification.” I should think that the tragic emotions, once aroused, become the object of introspection; thereafter, the audience attains clarification about an issue of great importance – for instance, our relation to the gods, the nature of divine justice, etc.

Antigone – Some Questions

1. Do you consider Antigone or Creon the more important character in this play? Or do you consider them both equally important? In your response, consider why one or the other, or both, might deserve the title of protagonist or tragic hero.

2. What vision of rulership does Creon set forth? To what extent does he remain true to that vision? What would you say is Creon's most important mistake, and why?

3. With what powers does Antigone align herself? Would you say that her mission has more to do with personal concerns than with religious piety, or would that be an unfair interpretation of her conduct? Explain.

4. How important is gender in this tragedy? Which of the characters treats it as an important consideration? How does Sophocles' handling of female characters differ, in general, from the way Aeschylus treats female characters?

5. Does the chorus in Antigone get to the bottom of why the two main characters suffer -- do they understand the cause and nature of the tragedy that unfolds in front of them? Explain.

6. How important are the gods in this play? Can you tell with whom they side? Or do they remain inscrutable? Explain.

7. Do you think the way Antigone treats her sister Ismene is proper, given her insistence upon familial piety? What is the basis for Antigone's harshness towards Ismene, and how does Ismene interpret Antigone's approach to the respective claims of family and state?

8. Aside from simply advancing the plot, what is the significance of the Sentry in this play? How does his conduct serve as a foil for more important characters? How does that same conduct undermine Creon's claims about the best way to keep citizens loyal?

Notes on Antigone


One immediate question is whether Antigone really deserves her fate -- it is easy to see how Oedipus brings on his own punishment, at least to some extent. But it is not so easy to see Antigone as a character with a tragic flaw. The main action she takes is simply to defend familial piety. It would seem that this action offends only Creon, not the gods. So I am going to suggest that there are really two main characters in this play. Antigone is the one who behaves heroically and suffers nonetheless, while Creon is the one who makes a serious mistake in asserting political right over the familial piety connected with Greek religion.

Creon, that is, asserts state power as something absolute and separate from religion and the family. It will be important to attend to how the play handles the opposition between state/religion, state/family, as well as gender. I do not see that Antigone's main problem is her gender; that is somewhat different than what we saw in Aeschylus. Similarly, Creon treats law and state as settled matters even though he is newly planted on the throne. It is not the case, as it was in the Oresteia, that we are moving from a primitive clan-based to a more modern conception of law and the state.

Be sure to make another contrast between Sophocles and Aeschylus: Sophocles concentrates much more intensely upon individual characters, even though he does not go so far as to say that these characters are entirely independent of the realms surrounding them. But it certainly is the case that in Sophocles, we cannot simply say action reveals character. Perhaps it is even true that Antigone is driven to exclude any possible course of action that would betray her own character. This makes her quite an absolutist.

It would be interesting to compare Antigone with Socrates later -- Socrates obeys the laws of his city, but unlike Ismene, no reproach accrues to his behavior.

A possible question concerns whether or not there is a certain amount of pride in Antigone's decision: around line 45, she sets up the struggle between herself and Creon in terms of breeding versus cowardice. It is difficult to determine whether or not Ismene is a coward or simply a good citizen, at least if we do not fully and simply accept Antigone's viewpoint.

Around 75, Ismene pleads that she and Antigone are both women and underlings. So they must obey for both reasons. And at 80, she asks "why rush to extremes?" She is not a creature of extremes, unlike Antigone. So Antigone has the capacity of all true heroes -- she is capable of behaving in extreme manner where honor is concerned.

Antigone is rather harsh with her sister. At 90, she says do as you like, dishonor the laws the gods hold in honor. She allies her decision with the gods, and around 110, she already sees herself from the perspective of the dead, who have their own rights and can affect the living. Death without glory is worse than any other fate for her.

The chorus. Certainly you will want to ask a question about the way in which the chorus of Sophocles differs from that of Aeschylus. But more specifically, notice how at 117, their first prayer is to the sun. So they ally themselves and their city with the light of day, while Antigone allies herself with the dark realm of Hades. They also say that Zeus does not like human pride or bravado -- which is exactly what we have just seen in Antigone. The chorus invokes Dionysus, but only in the service of the new day.

Creon asserts state power as the highest good of all. He refers several times to the "ship of State." This might be an important metaphor for the Greeks, because one can well imagine how strict discipline must have been on an Athenian trireme. And he also says that anyone who "places a friend above the good of his own country...is nothing." That would certainly include Antigone. Here one can see how a Hegelian view makes sense because both Creon and Antigone assert the absolute rights of their respective realms. Creon even forbids the relatives from feeling anything for their lost kinsmen.

The Sentry who begins speaking at 250 illustrates a consciousness centered entirely on preserving one's safety. This soldier is no hero; he only wants to tell the truth and avoid getting blamed for what has happened.

Around 320, one fault in Creon's reasoning begins to show: he really does believe that money is the root of all evil and the cause of disobedience. When the leader of the chorus dares to mention the possibility that perhaps it would be best to honor the usual funeral rites, Creon becomes insulted and begins complaining about the corruptive influence of money -- he seems almost an atheist or materialist because he discounts the participation of the gods in human life.

It is easy to see the futility of Creon's plans and his whole way of going about things by the way the Sentry takes his commands -- he came to Creon out of fear, and is happy to escape with his life. Loyalty never enters his thoughts. This is around 360.

375. A good question about the chorus -- isn't it very difficult sometimes to understand who exactly they are criticizing? Inhumanity is the charge in this speech -- I would say the term refers to Creon since Creon ignores the justice of the gods that should bind his oaths together concerning statecraft. But there is also perhaps some irony in the praises that the chorus give to mankind. It almost sounds like Shakespeare's famous speech "what a piece of work is man, how like an angel." But death comes in as the great leveler of everyone.

485. Again the Sentry shows what he is made of -- he fears death more than anything. This fear makes enable to contain within himself the contradictory feelings he describes; he can take joy in his own escape and yet feel bad because he has betrayed Antigone. He will do it nonetheless.

500. Antigone contemptuously allies herself with Hades and Zeus. She interprets herself as the agent of these great powers and their laws. Complying with Creon's edict would force her to contradict the gods.

Evidently, the leader of the chorus sees her as wild just as Oedipus was. Creon agrees shortly thereafter, when he says that Antigone is mocking him and making him seem effeminate. For him, the struggle does have a gender dimension.

555. Creon and Antigone argue their respective cases here. They disagree about what we owe the dead, since for Antigone it makes no difference that her two brothers opposed one another in life. Creon cannot forgive an enemy even in death. We have certainly seen this behavior before in the Greeks -- consider Achilles dragging the body of Hector around Troy.

660. Ismene offers to share Antigone's death, but Antigone refuses. Ask students if they find Antigone overly harsh in her judgment of Ismene. Perhaps this exchange between the two sisters shows us the nature of Antigone's familial piety -- it is hardly sentimental, but is based on a sense of obligation that overrides personal feeling.

655. The chorus sees the force of the gods as a force of nature. They also keep referring to the senselessness and rashness of the main characters' actions.

735. Here it seems that Creon does not think he is being arrogant towards the gods -- he refers to Zeus, but does not think that Zeus would find fault with him for what he is doing. His point seems to be that a man must rule his own household, Kings included. Creon will not be ruled by a woman from his own household. Creon says he must at all costs prevent anarchy.

775. Haemon seems to be respectful of his father, but his criticism is strong: in polite terms, he accuses Creon of what we would call egotism. And he will go on to say that this stubborn man mistakes his own will and self-interest for the good of the State. On the whole, Haemon sees Creon as entirely too rigid. The chorus leader agrees. At 813, Creon shows that he interprets everything said in light of the speaker’s category or rank. Here, the distinction is between youth and age. At 825, the argument boils over: Creon says that he is the State or the city, and Haemon tells him he might as well be king of a desert island if he thinks that way.

870. Creon declares that he will punish Antigone by burying her alive. She worships death, he says. Shortly thereafter, the chorus blames love or Aphrodite for everything; they assume Haemon has defied his father because he loves Antigone.

900. Antigone shows genuine emotion now that she has been condemned. It seems she is not so eager after all to leave the world of light. Now that the heroic action has been taken, she is free to lament. Certainly, this is what Aristotle means when he refers to pity and fear being aroused in an audience. Look up the story about Niobe. At 940, Antigone says she is a stranger and that she has no home. She really does not belong to the living or to the dead. At 946, Antigone reveals that she feels the curse of her house deeply, feels the alienation it entails from her own city. She is caught in a net of family misdeeds, and yet is bound to observe familial piety.

Creon seems wrong at this point -- he would preserve himself from any taint of impurity, but he is killing Antigone nonetheless.

1000. Antigone declares that while other family members could be replaced her brother is irreplaceable since both her parents are gone. This shows, according to our introduction by Bernard Knox, that Antigone is really motivated by private reasons, not by reverence for the gods and for the family unit as a whole. The difference between her and Creon is that he betrays the values he set out to defend, while Antigone suffers for what she defends, even though it is not her primary motive, so she is a truly heroic character -- something we see Sophocles exploring in many of his plays. Knox also talks about the mysteriousness of the gods in Sophocles; we never learn what they really think of it all. I like the passage on page 51 -- Sophocles "Explores...the destinies of human beings who refuse to recognize the limits imposed on the individual will by men and gods, and go to death or triumph, magnificently defiant to the last."

Week 12, Poetry -- Harlem Renaissance

Introduction to The Harlem Renaissance

In The Souls of Black Folk, DuBois had written not only about the “talented tenth” he expected to move things forward for black people but also about the “doubleness” inherent to the consciousness of black Americans: they belong here and yet don’t really feel at home, thanks to centuries of repression and mistreatment. The Harlem Renaissance, I suppose, is in part the fruit of that double consciousness. In the main it was predicated not on withdrawal and isolationism (as in “separatism”) but rather in the strong belief that black Americans needed to break through to full equality and take the recognition that had always been denied them by white citizens and of course the white power structure in law, politics, and social life. One of the main things about this Renaissance was the need of various artists to avoid simply playing to white expectations and stereotypes; the work they produced had to be their own, not something inflected and warped by what white people wanted. At the same time, they wanted to engage with a broader white audience, which implies some degree of mediation in thinking “black” culture. Then too, there was the basically Arnoldian issue of the extent to which art needs to see itself as a medium for change, as something directly political and broadly social – Matthew Arnold had insisted (and in doing so I’d say he followed the German author Friedrich von Schiller) on a formulation that’s since become known as “the paradox of Anglo-American humanism”: namely, only by not promising to accomplish anything beyond the realm of art, only by stubbornly not making themselves useful to the masses, could artists hope to make a difference at some future date. Jumping into the fray would only cheapen the arts to the level of a political tract or a billboard, Arnold might say if he were around today. Well, the authors of the Harlem Renaissance by no means avoided political or social critique, but at the same time they knew they couldn’t just churn out “works of protest.” Only really good art and sound reflection makes much difference – what they produced was indeed a splendid and diverse body of work both in fiction and non-fiction. I would suggest that a big and remarkable part of American culture is due to the influence and genius of black people; much of it has been wrought in and through suffering, with its basis a long history of vicious abuse at the hands first of white slavemasters and then, in the Jim Crow era, white racists and their supporting institutions.

Why should art forms like blues, jazz, church music, and poetry be so important to such a group of people? Well, in part because, we should realize, that group had no direct outlets for their grievances: if the bad guys control the law, what can you do? Go complain to the jailor and you’ll end up in prison, as the gospel phrase goes. There are certainly strong stirrings towards insistence on full legal and political and social equality before MLK Jr’s Ghandian campaign (called non-violent direct action) in the 1950s – A. Philip Randolph is a good name to mention here, and of course W.E.B. DuBois never for one minute ceased advocating full rights for all Americans. Try reading his book on Reconstruction – it’s a fascinating read, and it amounts to genuine history, not a dismissal or a whitewash as so many southern and white-written studies of Reconstruction have been. None of this is intended to wish away or deprecate the injustices committed against other groups in the USA – it’s just that outright slavery is the rawest deal you can get anywhere, and that happened to black people here for centuries. It doesn’t get any worse than that, and yet they persevered and took an overwhelmingly constructive route towards full recognition as citizens and contributors to American history. The project may not be complete yet, but it’s getting closer.

Bontemps, Cullen and Grimké’s selections remind us of the complexity implied by DuBois’ reading of American history. In the Bontemps poem, a simple agricultural metaphor that traces all the way back to the Bible becomes a focus for hope and frustration alike: a promise of bounty cast to the future, but at the same time a promise that the “fruit” of the harvest will have a bitter taste. Cullen describes it as “curious” that in a world filled with race hate and oppression, God would “make a poet black, and bid him sing!” His “Saturday’s Child” sounds like the blues, while “From the Dark Tower” promises in a quietly apocalyptic vein that “We were not made eternally to weep.” Grimké’s “Tenebris” is brooding in the way that it depicts the black person’s growing bitterness casting a shadow over the white person’s house. As so often, we see the metaphor of a tree to characterize black historical experience and the sentiment drawn therefrom: something deep, rooted, consequential. Billie Holliday, after all, later sang of lynched black men as “strange fruit, hanging from the trees.”

Langston Hughes is probably the most obviously modernist of the Harlem Renaissance writers – his forms are often experimental, based on jazz and blues music. “What happens to a dream deferred?” his poem “Harlem” asks – does it get transformed for better or worse, or decay into a putrid once-organic mass, or does it retain its content intact and go off like a bomb? The dream deferred, of course, is equality and fulfillment in America for black people. There are a number of metaphors you’ll run across in African American literature that speak to this deferral: MLK Jr. spoke of what the Founders had promised in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution as a “blank check” that’s still good, if we can just all cash it together. “The Weary Blues” tells us that the blues don’t make your problems go away, and in fact they run through your head even when you sleep – yet they let you sleep “like a rock.” Well, that’s something – expression of sorrow is necessary even when it doesn’t make the sorry disappear. Expression is just plain necessary, and that’s that. Most “black” art isn’t about evasion or pie in the sky; it comes from and speaks to suffering. “The Negro Speaks of Rivers” is a fine way to say that people of African descent have been present at the beginning of many civilizations – a black person’s understanding of time, I’ve always thought, has to be somewhat different from that of the average white person: the arc is longer, slower; patient strength is of the essence. What was it that MLK Jr. said? “The arc of history is long, but it bends towards justice.” There’s a lot of history behind even Hughes’ simpler poems – in “I, Too,” we may hear something of Lincoln’s rather confused way of talking about the relationship between black and white – in opposing slavery, he said he didn’t know that blacks were his equal but that he was certain they were his brothers: that’s something to build on for future realization, unlike the way the Southern slavemasters and their sympathizers talked. Here in this positive modern poem, Hughes gestures towards the white folk’s shame over not living up to values they themselves profess: justice and equality for all.

The selections by Claude McKay show considerable anguish and despair – the dark-skinned prostitutes who walk the streets of Harlem at night become the subject of the poet’s anguished reflection, centuries of oppression evoked by their weary steps. “If We Must Die” is a call to sacrifice, if it comes to that: there were, indeed, horrible instances of white mob violence against black people in Jim Crow times. “The Tropics in New York” describes the City, so often seen as a mecca for experimentation and liberty, as a harsh and alienating place. “The Harlem Dancer” pays tribute to the dancer’s alienation from the dance and the place of the dance, while “The White House” reminds to speaker to preserve his spirit from “the poison of your deadly hate.”

James Weldon Johnson’s Preface covers the need to avoid falling into the trap of representing black people as creatures of “humor and pathos” – you know, the old stereotypes that white people find touching and sometimes funny: “Mammy” in D.W. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation is a worthy character and gives the white folk a chuckle, but that isn’t the model for modern black art. “Negro dialect” won’t serve. This isn’t to say that early representations of black people in film, television or radio are to be despised: they were at least a way to get a foot in the door. No looking down on “Amos and Andy” too harshly, I suppose – even though its “black” actors were in fact two white guys. I mean, somebody had to pave the way for Sanford and Son, right? By any means necessary.

Alain Locke in The New Negro (1925) describes the Harlem phenomenon not primarily in terms of the burden of past oppression, heavy as that was, but rather as something more positive: a “new vision of opportunity, of social and economic freedom…” and a “deliberate flight . . . from medieval America to modern” (966). If this is assimilationism, it isn’t a weak kind that’s called for – one in which a people are swallowed up into a larger whole; rather, “The American mind must reckon with a fundamentally changed Negro” – black people are, in other words, re-creating themselves as they go, reconstituting their identity in a way that isn’t chained to past resentments and suffering. There’s also something of a critique in Locke of black thinkers who, he apparently thinks, cling to the status of victimhood rather than moving beyond it. Locke also does a good job of characterizing black self-development as more international than national, yet at the same time it’s filled with implications for American culture and democracy: if some aren’t fully free, none truly are.

Rudolph Fisher gives a balanced view of white interest in the artistic goings-on in Harlem – I think he’s fully cognizant of white America’s propensity for co-opting everything around. Later on, of course, jazz gets rechristened “swing” when it broadens to white audiences. And in general a commercial society finds a way to co-opt and monetize any sort of cultural phenomenon – even images of radicalism end up on advertising billboards, like the poster of Che Guevara I once saw promoting some radio station at a bus stop in Fashion Island, Newport Beach.

DuBois has little but scorn for the latest production by Claude McKay – the intellectual finds it to be exactly the sort of “unrestrained” representation of black people as racy primitives that thrill-seeking white folk love to hear: pandering, in other words.

Zora Neale Hurston provides a reflection on the “sentiment” involved in being black – when does one feel one’s color, the power of definition closing in? But she also deals with what she finds to be genuine racial/cultural differences: she experiences music differently than her white friend, for instance. Her sentence, “But in the main, I feel like a brown bag of miscellany propoed against a wall. Against a wall in company with other bags, white, red, and yellow” is a strange but effective way to conjure a sense of racial identity. It’s a jumble put there by others, and some of it is worthwhile, I think she’s saying, but in the end all the paper bags contain pretty much the same jumble of things.

Langston Hughes gives a balanced, not overly sentimental or lionizing portrait of major intellectuals and artists from the Harlem Renaissance era. He finds genuine genius and perhaps a hint of opportunism in said figures.

JESUS, THOREAU, GANDHI, KING: AGAPE, CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE, SATYAGRAHA AND NONVIOLENT DIRECT ACTION

The basis of Martin Luther King, JR’s philosophy is Christian. King began his career as a Baptist minister in Montgomery, Alabama, even though events in that city quickly swept him into the historic crusade for civil rights in America and worldwide liberation from colonial domination. I’ll discuss the main Christian influence first, though it might be said that King’s philosophy comes just as much from the black church’s tradition of resistance dating back at least to the nineteenth century. The relevant Christian concept comes from the New Testament—agape, or love. The term agape does not refer to erotic love (sexuality); it refers to a much broader kind of affection. The Oxford Companion to Philosophy points out that the word at first referred to early Christian fellowship gatherings. The word (whose Latin equivalent is caritas, charity) now refers to "brotherly or selfless love" (18).

The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy adds that agape is "unselfish love for all persons" (12). In the Gospel of Luke, Jesus makes the following statement that illustrates this definition and brings out its implications for those who must act in a wicked world:

6:27 . . . Love your enemies, do good to them which hate you,
6:28 Bless them that curse you, and pray for them which despitefully use you.
6:29 And unto him that smiteth [strikes] thee on the one cheek offer also the other; and him that taketh away thy cloak forbid not to take thy coat also.
6:31 And as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.
6:32 For if ye love them which love you, what thank have ye? for sinners also love those that love them.
6:36 Be ye therefore merciful, as your Father also is merciful.

To a narrow mind, such words would mean something like "pray for those who mistreat you so you will go to heaven and they will go to hell." But I think that Jesus means something more in line with the notion of agape mentioned above: all human beings are endowed with a soul, and so their potential for spiritual regeneration must be acknowledged. That is why he says, "pray for them which despitefully use you."

King’s philosophy of "direct nonviolent action" is in accord with agape in that both concepts aim to dramatize the gravity of the wrong done and the necessity for the wrongdoer to reflect upon the possibility of redemptive action. If I merely strike you back when you strike me without cause, the idea goes, neither of us grows from the experience--you do not see that you are wrong, and I become as hateful as you. But if I dramatize the wrongness of your action by "turning the other cheek," I force you to confront that wrongness and challenge you to respond to it. Needless to say, countless people have died waiting for their oppressors to offer such responses, but Jesus remains firm in his belief in the power of confrontation joined with love. Notice that he does not say, "If your enemy strikes you, flee in terror"; you cannot turn the other cheek if you’re in full flight. He speaks of nonviolent confrontation, not cowardice. What King wants to do, then, is to put Jesus’ strategy to work in segregationist Alabama and Mississippi and Georgia, as well as, later, in northern states. And he wants to put it to work in an organized, concerted way: the mass demonstration comprised in acts of direct nonviolent confrontation with representatives of state-sanctioned oppression. Recall those film clips of protestors being attacked by police dogs and walloped by club-wielding cracker (i.e. white trash) policemen. That is what happens when you engage in nonviolent action, King would say. You yourself don’t engage in violence; instead, you bring to the surface the hatred that racists inwardly harbor. What comes to the surface will be captured by the modern camera and sent out for the world to see, sent out to do its work on all consciences intact enough to be affected by injustice. The segregationists called this behavior "outside agitation" and "communism." They would say that, but King knew that Jesus was just such an outside agitator and revolutionary. And as for obedience to harsh laws, Jesus, it is often said, transformed the Law of Moses by willingly suffering for having challenged it--somewhat as the participant in a modern civil disobedience movement does.

The Christian foundation of King’s philosophy is firm, but more recent ideas add to the strength of that foundation. We must, then, examine Thoreau’s notion of civil disobedience and, more important still, Gandhi’s concept of Satyagraha. I’ll comment on Thoreau first, then move briefly to Gandhi, and finally come back to finish my remarks on King. Thoreau is now among America’s most celebrated writers, though he did not attract so much notice during his lifetime. He belonged to the group of authors known as the Concord Transcendentalists. These writers (among them Emerson, Whitman, and Hawthorne) were diverse in their thinking, but they generally shared Emerson’s belief that individual intuition could lead to a grasp of transcendental truth. Emerson believed that by contemplating oneself and the world of nature, a person could arrive at a truth beyond the ordinary world of the senses and physical things. Something of a pantheist, Emerson also located the divine within each human being, not outside as a potentially hostile, punishing force. Most important to Thoreau’s argument in favor of civil disobedience is the Transcendentalist notion that the individual and his or her conscience are of the highest importance.

Some memorable quotations from "Resistance to Civil Government" (or "Civil Disobedience") will show the tenor of Thoreau’s thinking about the capacity of the individual to confront and transform an unjust, overbearing government. Summing up his case, Thoreau argues that "There will never be a really free and enlightened State until the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly." Of course, the State of Thoreau’s day is too busy waging unjust wars against Mexico and reaping the economic benefits of southern slave labor to recognize any such power in the ordinary citizen. What, then, is a conscientious person to do when the tax-gatherer comes around each year, asking for money that will surely be used to wage Mexican Wars and oppress black southerners?

The issue comes down to hard analysis of two cornerstones of American democracy: obedience to the laws of the land, and willingness to respect the will of the alleged majority. Thoreau undermines both. As for the first, he says that "It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right." As for the voting many, says Thoreau, "A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men." When the tax-gatherer knocks on the door, then, the citizen must politely but firmly refuse to pay; one just person’s individual conscience has more right to judge the matter than the thousands of voters bent on doing the most expedient and profitable thing.

But isn’t that folly, we may ask? The power of the State and the majority is massive, and the individual is small and weak. How can one oppose such power any more than one would challenge a hurricane or an earthquake or an avalanche? Thoreau’s answer is admirable: "just in proportion as I regard [the State, the majority] . . . as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men . . . I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves." If those appeals fail, well then, argues Thoreau, "Under a government which imprisons unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison."

Thoreau’s own act of resistance was not exactly the first shot of a bloody rebellion—all he did was refuse to pay an annual poll tax, and most of his neighbors probably considered him a harmless eccentric. And it’s true that Thoreau, a white citizen in a northern town, did not have to confront bullets, police dogs, billy clubs, or water cannon spray. The Klan didn’t come looking for him with twenty feet of well-oiled rope, either. He is only asserting, at base, that the individual of conscience is bound to obey something like a citizen’s Hippocratic Oath: "at least do no harm." Still, readers like Gandhi and Martin Luther King, JR did not treat Thoreau’s essay as the effusion of an inconsequential crank; it contains the seeds of full-scale civil confrontation and massive political effect. It may be so that only one in a thousand people are willing to do more than mouth opposition to State tyranny, but the power of individual conscience, of moral absolutism, is not to be underestimated: "Action from principle, the perception and the performance of right, changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divides States and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine." The disturbing force Thoreau attributes to the individual conscience is enormous, and his advice to any right-thinking minority of people is that "A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose." Modern theorists may disagree with Thoreau’s contention that "the state never intentionally confronts a man's sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses," but the practical Gandhi and King found Thoreau’s faith in conscience inspiring and valuable.

While Thoreau was not one to lead the masses, Mohandas K. Gandhi knew how to turn the many into a nonviolent army composed of everything from "foot soldiers" who simply withheld their cooperation from the Raj (the name for British India) to highly disciplined "lieutenants" who put their bodies and lives on the line for the cause of Indian freedom. That nonviolent army was powerful enough to do what even Napoleon couldn’t: thoroughly defeat the British. Gandhi’s main weapon consisted in the deployment of the force or concept that he called "Satyagraha." Of this term, Gandhi has the following to say:

Passive Resistance . . . has been conceived as a weapon of the weak and does not exclude the use of physical force or violence for the purpose of gaining one’s end, whereas [Satyagraha] . . . has been conceived as a weapon of the strongest and excludes the use of violence. . . .

Its root meaning is holding on to truth, hence truth-force. I have also called it Love-force or Soul-force. In the application of Satyagraha I discovered in the earliest stages that pursuit of truth did not admit of violence being inflicted on one’s opponent but that he must be weaned from error by patience and sympathy. . . . And patience means self-suffering. So the doctrine came to mean vindication of truth not by infliction of suffering on the opponent but on one’s self.

But on the political field the struggle on behalf of the people mostly consists in opposing error in the shape of unjust laws. When you have failed to bring the error home to the lawgiver by way of petitions and the like, the only remedy open to you . . . is to compel him by physical force to yield to you or by suffering in your own person by inviting the penalty for the breach of the law. Hence Satyagraha largely appears to the public as Civil Disobedience or Civil Resistance. (Mohandas K. Gandhi: Non-Violent Resistance, New York: Schocken, 1961, 6-7.)

Satyagraha as a practice is varied, extending, as I say above, from direct nonviolent confrontation that breaks an unjust law and invites the penalty thereof to less demanding acts of non-cooperation—withholding taxes and boycotting the oppressors’ courts, schools, merchants, and those social and political functions from which resisters may safely withdraw without inhumaneness. (Gandhi would not, for example, advocate refusing anyone medical attention or basic food supplies—that would be cruelty, a kind of violence.) You can see that Satyagraha is not merely an abstract concept. Instead, it is such a dynamic combination of love and power that British imperialism’s controlling institutions found it advisable to grant India and Pakistan their autonomy. Gandhi died in 1948, and Pakistan and India fought an awful war in 1971, but his nonviolent nationalism certainly helped to gain for India its freedom from Britain.

As a divinity student at Crozer College in Georgia, King had studied Gandhi, and he came to see the usefulness of this modern prophet of nonviolence in the African American struggle for civil and, more generally, human rights. Like Gandhi, King places great faith in the power of love in motion, as his borrowing of the term "soul-force" indicates. Human conscience, King argues, has no "color," and therefore it should be possible to appeal to that faculty even in "Alabama, with its vicious racists" or in "Mississippi, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification [i.e. with states’ rights slogans]." The appeal, of course, King attempts to make by the same basic, structured means that Gandhi employed: direct challenges by a disciplined minority of volunteers and less confrontational, yet still effective, non-cooperation on the part of the African American majority. If the appeal should fail to reach the stony consciences of George Wallace and less prominent racists, well, there’s a whole world of television viewers to receive that appeal, and, as Jesus says in the parable of the sower, some seed may land in good earth, and yield fruit. (Matthew 13:08).

There’s a final, and sad, chapter to add to King’s role as an American moral leader. The last few years of King’s life were too often filled with depression—a feeling that surely came over him not only because he had, like so many leaders, to confront fierce egotism and infighting within the Civil Rights Movement as a whole and even within his own organization, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, but also external harassment by FBI thugs and proponents of the war in Vietnam that he outspokenly opposed. Add to these worries the at times overwhelming sense of despair at the complex challenge presented by northern states that oppressed African Americans not so much by outright brutality as by malignant neglect, political machination, and economic injustice. It’s no wonder, then, that King was an unhappy, if still determined, man by the time of his assassination. He had already begun to advocate a more international movement that would link up, as Malcolm X and he himself had long suggested, with the then-current worldwide struggle on the part of Asians, Latinos, and Africans for freedom from colonial rule. And he had also moved closer to promoting a non-Marxist version of democratic socialism--a society in which goods would be distributed not solely on the basis of a supposedly "free" market but instead with a view to elemental human spiritual and material needs. More and more, he appears to have come to think that appeals to conscience alone were not enough and that in urban areas like Chicago, "Southern"-style protests and aims would not generate enough movement to transform America. If America wouldn’t respond to such tactics, perhaps it needed to be brought to a virtual economic and political standstill before it would change its ways. King seems to have become more and more radical in his tactics and goals in his last few years, though it’s vital to realize that he did not in any way advocate racial violence. Before King had much time to do develop his newest positions, a bullet put an end to his participation in what he must have seen as an ever-changing dialectic of black protest, progress, and opposition by white power.

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Week 11, Poetry -- Modernism

Week 11, Poetry -- Modernism

Thoughts on Anglo-American Modernism and C20 British Literature Generally:

"C20 British" is of course a huge field, so we should begin with a discussion of Anglo-American literary modernism, which some critics say was a relatively short-lived literary epoch beginning around 1910 and winding down by 1930. Even with modernism, we may be too close to judge it the way we think we can judge the Romantics or the Victorians. That's probably a good thing since there's little reason to believe we've got the Romantics and Victorians right, either.

In order to talk about literary periods at all, we have to make some claims that one era ended at such and such a time and another one began. After all, what we call "the historical sense" has been around for a long time—the Regency novelist Jane Austen was already offering wry critiques of "Byronism" while Byron was still writing; Victorian intellectuals like Matthew Arnold self-consciously distanced themselves from the supposedly effusive and solipsistic Romantics, and Modernists like T. S. Eliot went out of their way to put the Victorians behind them. But our historical demarcations are in general "motivated" rather than pure—they may come from the need to firm up the past in order to make sense of the present, from the desire to be different from everyone who came before, or even (gasp!) from some tacit belief in the grand historical and intellectual narratives that we are all (according to those cigar-chomping French) supposed to have put away with our childhood toys. It's worth making our distinctions, but it's also worth keeping in mind what an old prof of mine says— the accusations we make against others often have at least as much to do with us as with those we accuse. The Romantics are solipsists? The Victorians are sanctimonious, hypocritical "believers in belief"? Modernists are obscurantists and high-art elitists? Hmmmm….

Lionel Trilling suggests that European literature of the twentieth century is characterized most of all by its intensely subjectivist vision and by a kind of hostility against civilization itself—a feeling that there’s a rat in the grain sack of human community, that the reasons we give for our actions and social and political forms are not altogether or even the least bit honest, that words are lies with which we cover up our unwillingness or inability to see the chaos around us, and so forth.

With this sense comes a rejection by many authors of any narrative of teleological social progress— whether that of the Enlightenment, with its audacious faith that reason could transform whole societies and bring about a more just and stable social order, or the romantic movements that privilege “poetic imagination” as the key medium for recuperating common human passions and the poets as social healers or “unacknowledged legislators of the world.” And although you can find some modern writers embracing a technical poetics and non-narrative strategy that employ juxtaposition, fragmentation, and other forms suited to a fast-paced and confusing world, such formal innovation and self-referential interest in artistic media do not necessarily mean that the artist approves of modern practices.

Ortega y Gasset, the Spanish existentialist philosopher wrote in the 1940’s that modern literature was part of the “dehumanization of art.” He didn’t mean the term derogatively, but instead objectively: he meant that modern art and “modernism” most particularly strip art of what makes it pleasant and uplifting for a great many ordinary people. What the average folks want, says y Gasset, is an experience that confirms their views about ethics and about “reality.” They want an art that faithfully imitates “the real world”—a nice representational painting, say, of an apple or an attractive person—and stories that “deck out,” even exalt, their sense of what’s right and wrong and of the dignity of being human. Who wants to go to a gallery or to a play and leave feeling disconcerted?

Instead of all this, modern art, not much caring whether we are comforted or afflicted, it seems—or perhaps even preferring that we be sorely troubled by things we don’t understand and can’t fix—hangs up paintings and erects sculptures that refer more to their own making and medium than to anything in the outside world. To add insult to injury, this self-referentiality is supplemented at times with words and images that do anything but confirm our sense of what’s right and wrong, or what’s true and false. Reading Dostoyevsky, Baudelaire, the Symbolists, Nietzsche and Freud, Conrad, the WWI poets or Orwell or Beckett or Burgess is hardly comforting, is it?

On the whole, taking our cue from Kant’s basic framework concerning the beautiful and the sublime, we might say that modern art prefers the sublime over the beautiful: while a disinterested “aesthetic judgment” about the beautiful gently affirms our mind’s superiority over nature even as it allows us to connect to nature’s objects in a satisfying way, the sublime seems instead to trouble us, to suggest that nature does not always politely accord with our faculties. We encounter, say, a raging sea or a vast constellation of stars or a looming Alpine peak with endless vista—all this seems limitless, uncontainable within any concrete sensuous form. Where in this kind of experience is the proportion and harmony we seek? We overcome our uneasiness only, says Kant, by withdrawing within our own minds; we can, in a way, “think” infinity and boundlessness, so again we are superior to anything nature can throw at us. But the victory comes at the cost, it seems, of our feeling of a “close fit” between ourselves and our world. (It threatens to make rationalists of us all.)

So it seems that modern art tends more to the sublime (that which is disjunctive, disaffirming, startling, which does not posit a basic harmony between the human, the natural, and the divine), than to the beautiful, which, in the Kantian framework, privileges a fundamental correspondence between us and our surroundings. A good deal of modern art produces disconcertedness, a feeling that things are not in harmony with us, that we are not in harmony with others, that art does not represent or express anything we recognize as part of ordinary experience, and so forth. And the trouble is, we are by no means to rely too easily, like good Kantians, on our powers of reason to set to rights a world that seems “out of joint.” Permanent revolution, perpetual unsettlement, seems rather the mode of modern art.

Notes on Ezra Pound

"In a Station of the Metro" (1041)

“The apparition of these faces in the crowd;
Petals on a wet, black bough.”

Imagism, of which this poem is an instance, was one of the experimental practices that Pound and H.D and some other American poets engaged in during the teens and twenties. The idea was to bracket out all sorts of narrative and instead write crisp little verses to convey a single clear image. That’s a similar ideal to the one promoted by Japanese Haiku masters like Matsuo Basho (1644-94). Condensation of vision and word is, after all, of the essence in poetry, right? There’s value in seeing things clearly, in making language a way of encouraging us to do that instead of replacing the world of things. Still, the urge to tell stories, to convey emotion, and do other things with poetry is too strong to allow this sort of experiment to seem self-sufficient for long. Pound eventually took to writing fragmentary but magnificent epic-length work in The Cantos.

T. S. Eliot. "The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock" (1015-19).

How can I not understand this poem, as one J. Alfred to another? I have, in fact, “measured out my life with coffee spoons,” and verses from Homer and Dante, et al. Eliot is both erudite and capable of a fine comic touch, both of which qualities are to be found in this poem. Notice the funny rhymes and repetitions, as if the speaker can’t quite take himself seriously. He’s the superfluous man, all right, and there’s no prospect of a duel or something like that putting him on the trail of a heroic end. The consciousness in the poem is going nowhere eloquently. The loss of power of art itself seems to be one theme referenced in this poem – notice the comic mentions of “visions and revisions” (33) and those effete women who keep talking about Michelangelo as if the fellow were a subject of mere gossip. The allusion to Marvell’s appeal to time is brilliant – there’s no pressure of time here, in fact “there will be time” for just about any sort of foolishness, triviality, deception and masking. Anything but the truth and full humanity, or the present moment in its authenticity. The poem even seems to ask, “well, what’s the point of laying all this predicament bare -- this inability, really, to do or even feel much of anything?” The answer we get isn’t much of an answer. The reference to mermaids towards the poem’s end, I think, is one way of saying that the poet’s task of encouraging us to transition to a state of vision isn’t going to be carried out here, today: our speaker can’t hear them singing. He’s no Hamlet, no hero, not a man who’s likely to be led beyond himself. Perhaps that’s just as well – those sirens tend to lead you to your doom, you know. Only Odysseus had better mess with them, and even he had himself tied to the mast of his ship. In the end, there’s no way to emerge from the subterranean superfluity evoked by the poem: “Till human voices wake us, and we drown.”

But of course if you read Eliot’s “Tradition and the Individual Talent,” you know that he places quite a burden on modern poetry as the bearer of European tradition – it has a serious reintegrative purpose in a fragmentary time, and poetry isn’t merely a thing of personal expression, in Eliot’s view. What it expresses is the aspirations and insights of entire cultures.

Wallace Stevens. "The Emperor of Ice Cream" (1042-43), "Anecdote of the Jar" (1043).

The first-mentioned poem seems to be about a wake, with a narrator ordering the progress of the day: let people go about their desires, seizing the time that remains to them. Basically, it’s a carpe diem poem. The second poem is an exercise in perspective, I suppose: the jar contrasts with everything around it, altering our perception of it.

Notes on William Butler Yeats

Introduction.

Yeats was a poet of many phases, not as clearly marked as critics imply: romanticism and symbolism, Irish politics and folklore, aristocratic values, Modernist stylistic compression and an interest in poetic texts as containing entire symbolic systems. But he never left behind his early phases even after moving on from them. Yeats was always concerned with the power of art in relation to other areas of life, with poetry’s status as expression, with its approximation to religion and the stability and ultimate insight religions offer. His poetry becomes more and more complex in its investigation of all these matters. A Vision is his prose attempt to create, in the manner of Blake and Swedenborg, an integral system, a mystic yet accurate way of dealing with change in individual identity, the collective unconscious, and world history. Whether all his talk of “gyres,” “will/body of fate,” “creative mind / mask,” and so forth makes a theosophic system is beside the point: the whole affair is a vehicle for his poetry. His complex mature period blends with the Anglo-American Modernism of Eliot and Pound, among others. Take the Symbolist insistence that art constitutes a higher reality all its own, add the allusiveness and integrative power of myth, the spiritual imperatives of mysticism, a paradoxical yet genuine engagement with politics, and a willingness to question his broadest claims for poetry’s truth-status and relevance—and you get Yeats the High Modernist. There is a certain aloofness in Yeats’ manner, an aristocratic contempt for those who want nothing but pleasure from art, as if, to borrow from Bentham, pushpin were as good as poetry. Like most Modernists, Yeats despises middle-class materialism, preferring the genuineness of the poor and the nobility alike. This carries forth a long romantic and Victorian tradition—recall Carlyle’s thundering at “Bobuses” who think of nothing but upward mobility and their stomachs.

But then, the argument over whether art should simply please us or improve us into the bargain is an ancient one; most critics and artists, even the most defiantly aloof among them, have implied that it should be a force both for social cohesion and for spiritual realization and transcendence. The Russian Formalists’ watchword “make it new” isn’t so new, and Modernists believe that art is a powerful shaping force over the spirit and intellect, even if they don’t trust themselves entirely when they say such things. The notion that Modernism doesn’t trust itself calls for an explanation: Yeats, with his occult and elitist tendencies, knows the risk he runs of his art collapsing into aestheticism or romantic solipsism. He’s fashioning a holy book out of his own semi-private symbolic language, a Book that promises special insight to the initiated. Even his use of the past’s myths and history throws down the interpretive gauntlet to us as readers—Yeats is a difficult poet who demands that we turn away from ordinary notions, step out of our individual selves, and understand him on his own terms. The self and the ordinary are cast as barriers to understanding and connection with others.

Yeats’ hero Blake wrote about religion’s tendency to become the province of an evil priesthood, a cynical hieratic class that feeds on the mysteries it propagates and guards. Mystery at its best—even the kind of manufactured mystery we see in the Victorian sages—can flow from genuine wonder at the complexity of humanity and the cosmos; but it can also take its origin from fear, ignorance, and misinterpretation, with consequent need for priestly elites. Modernist myth-making could easily amount to ideology in the service of somebody’s politics. Anglo-American Modernists seem to know this, and yet they find it necessary to offer us a religion of art. Yeats is a man of dilemmas—he’s all for universal myths, yet remains an Irish nationalist; he’s deeply personal and subjective, yet breaks down the barriers of selfhood. And above all, the phrase applied to Tennyson in the nineteenth century—“Lord of Language”—is just as appropriate to Yeats among his twentieth-century peers.

“The Lake Isle of Innisfree”

An early poem, symbolist. The speaker will remove himself from the everyday world and hear what the “deep heart’s core” has to say; this alternative reality will have an order and a peace all its own. The poem has the force of a decision: “I will go to the place that’s calling to me.” He hasn’t done it yet, and the chant itself is part of the process whereby he will convince himself to go. There’s some genuine pastoral imagery, a touch of romanticism’s descriptions of beautiful things in nature. Innisfree is symbolic—it is at least as much a state of mind as a real place, perhaps more so. The poem speaks the reality that calls the poet forth, so language participates in the making of something real, whether a state of mind or an actual place.

“Easter 1916”

Yeats here treats an act of Irish nationalism and martyrdom as a work of art, something that transfigures even those participants he didn’t get along with. But in the final stanza, doesn’t Yeats also bring up the dangers of nationalism? See his line, “Too long a sacrifice…” Nationalism is a temporary tactic; Yeats never supported violent revolution, and shows a preference for art and myth as shaping and continuity-providing influences in collective life.

“The Second Coming”

The Russian Revolution occurred in 1917; a new world is being born, and it seems neither rational nor predictable. The Sphinx Riddle, at its core, concerns human nature, and the Oedipus myth turns on a series of outrages against a civic order taken as natural or in alliance with nature. Oedipus commits the scandal of incest (incest is both a universal taboo and yet a local violation, so it is scandalously natural and cultural—see Claude Lévi-Strauss). Will this new world be like the one ruled by Shelley’s cruel Pharaoh Ozymandias, whose image remains to glare at us as a recurring possibility even though the artist mocked him? An Egyptian tyranny? Yeats is drawing upon his own and on the collective European symbolic system to describe the birth throes of a new age. In uttering his prophecy, he rejects optimistic C19 narratives about progress and the upward march of the spirit. Change is inevitable, but not necessarily change for the better. The “rough beast” stalks obscenely into the world, its crude sexuality reminding us that we haven’t left behind the worst in ourselves or in history. History has been called “the pain of our ancestors,” and here is some new monstrosity shaping up. Yeats’ imagery comes from ancient myth and religion; history is disjunctive. It proceeds by terrible leaps and thunderclaps. So we need the artist as a wielder of myths new and old to make the world intelligible again, to whatever degree possible. This is a claim that High Modernists have adapted from romantic poet-prophets like Wordsworth, Shelley, and Blake.

What is intelligible may not comfort us, but we are responsible for confronting it in any case. Yeats had read Nietzsche on eternal recurrence—can one face all but unbearable realizations, yet remain willing to do it all again? Here we are confronted with our own recurrent power to tyrannize, setting up fear and dread abstraction as our gods (recall Blake’s “hapless soldier’s sigh” that “runs in blood down palace walls” in the poem “London”). And his ideas resemble Jung’s notion that there’s a collective unconscious—Jung was going beyond Freud’s psychology, which was centered on the bourgeois individual. Yeats’ accomplishment is to wield Jung-like collective myths with the fiery individualism of Blake: “I must create my own system or be enslaved by another’s!” Not that his is a narrowly self-based poetics; Yeats isn’t a romantic creator pure and simple—notice that he often writes as if he were being dictated to by a medium, an automatic writing that wells up from the collective unconscious, an archetypal image bank that comes from the Spiritus Mundi. Neither does he try to play the stage father with the meaning of his poems—he respects their status as words to be interpreted. His emphasis on the subjective side of existence is characteristically Modernist: they privilege impressions, subjective responses.

“Sailing to Byzantium”

How to cross over into what lasts? Yeats’ speaker explains why he has come to Byzantium, abandoning the boundaries of his ego and traveling to a region where he hopes to metamorphose into an eternal life in artistic form. This is truly a religion of art. Yeats refashions ancient symbols, grants us a vision of the Holy City, which is not Jerusalem in this poem but rather a decadent-phase Byzantium, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire. The poem alludes to the poetic process itself, the magical hammering out of a world of eternal aesthetic artifacts. Like a Byzantine goldsmith’s handiwork, the poet’s sacred chant and symbolic system spanning many texts would fashion this world by what Shelley calls “the incantation of this verse.” But I’m not sure such claims for an eternal unchanging state of things suits Yeats’ theosophy in A Vision, as it emerges later. It seems to me that everything is dynamic in that explanation—Yeats, after all, borrows from the Pre-Socratics who are always talking about change as the only constant.

Stanza One: A personal poem about growing old and facing up to what one’s art has meant to oneself. The claim is that art transcends the “mire” of the material realm and human desire without simply rejecting them. Well, the first stanza rules out remaining in the world of natural generation, void of subjectivity. This kind of harmony and music don’t satisfy the self-conscious speaker about to pass on. Nature is “careful of the type, careless of the individual life,” as Tennyson writes in In Memoriam A.H.H.

Stanza Two: Notice the incantatory power here, the ordering power of rhythm: song of a different sort overcomes the mortal decay implied by first stanza. Byzantium is in its decadent phase, a self-referential city wrapped up in artistic processiveness, in aestheticism. But Yeats is drawn to this beautiful solipsism, a place for intense concentration on what is eternal. This is not irresponsibility, I believe, but honesty—the speaker is old. Therefore, not having found his answer in physical nature, he has crossed waters, symbolizing creative power and life, and has come to this holy city. An old man must escape his dying self and enter into a different creative process—art.

Stanza Three: This stanza shows a turning away from the body and towards the forms of the sages on the Ravenna frieze mentioned in the Norton Anthology note. He prays to the sages, who have themselves been transformed into a work of art. He wants to be in the phase of existence they have reached, not remain where he is. His prayer is itself an outflowing of the phase in which he now finds himself.

Stanza Four: Once he has made the transition to a new world free of dying nature and the body, the artist will be wrought into his own artifice and become eternal. This poem confronts mortality, but not by reaffirming selfhood—instead, he confronts it on the grounds of his symbols and artifice, measuring his own endurance by their lasting power. A wish to merge with them. But will that be granted?

“Leda and the Swan”

Here the speaker handles poetic insight into history as a violent and dangerous gift. The rape of Leda engendered Helen, the Trojan War, and European history. What price insight? Many of the ancient prophets—Tiresias, Cassandra, Orpheus, gained their powers as compensation for terrible loss, or suffered for what they had been granted. Poetry is not merely pretty words. It is allied with prophecy and divination, and has been at the heart of civilization as a human task and process. The Modernists often describe poetry as an inseminative, male power. But is Zeus the only poet here, or is Leda also inspired? Does myth or poetic insight allow us to control such a process, or only describe it and face up to it spiritually? Coming to terms with the violent but necessary transitions from one epoch to the next seems to be the current poem’s task. This demands that we not dismiss the violent past, but try to make our knowledge of it worth something in the present—if that’s possible. Nietzsche says in “Homer’s Contest” that if we understood the Greeks “in Greek,” we would shudder—certainly Yeats’ choice of myths here doesn’t place him among the calm C19 Hellenizers. He says that the politics went out of the poem when he began to write it, but it still asks about the relationship between art and a given political order, indeed any political order.

To what extent is poetic insight and language complicit in the violent events and transitions it presents? Leda and other myths, after all, were how the Greeks understood their own history and culture—at least early in their history, until C6-5 BCE, they lived within the framework of their myths. It is only with the pre-Socratic that they begin trying to explain natural phenomena in scientific terms. Different cultures will read the same myth differently; the myths recur but are subject to reinterpretation.

“Among School Children”

Here “the child is father of the man,” as Wordsworth wrote. But Yeats may not draw as much consolation as Wordsworth did in his “Immortality Ode.” The romantic poem cheered up the speaker, but Yeats’ speaker tries to reassure children that he’s not such a frightening schoolmaster or old scarecrow. His smile is a mask, like a Gno-mask, a conventional role. Hollow, he wants to fulfill his public office, which entails one generation’s responsibility towards another.

Stanza 5: Refers to the ancient myth of metempsychosis, as in Wordsworth’s line “our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting.” See also Plato’s Symposium and Phaedrus. Is the pain worth it?

Stanza 6: What is real? Philosophers sought abstract wisdom, and can’t tell. They propagate Bacon’s “Idols of the Theater”—the strange errors that come with the territory of philosophers bent upon explaining the world with the help of huge thought-systems. Yeats’ autobiography A Vision shows his dissatisfaction with traditional philosophy. Much philosophy is an attempt to capture the relationship between self and world, to build up a vast framework for arriving at what is ultimately intelligible and enduring. It comes to seem a vain and self-isolating endeavor. I think Yeats is making the traditional complaint that philosophical explanations don’t move us, don’t make us able to act in the world and bear up under its stresses as they occur.

Stanza 7: Here a different relationship between thought and object emerges: images that move us.

Stanza 8: The reference to the chestnut tree is pure romantic organic metaphor—you can’t dissect a living thing without killing it. The whole is more than the sum of the parts, and you can’t divide up a person easily into the Seven Ages of Man. Neither can we “know the dancer from the dance.” This is a complex metaphor—the point in reference to Yeats’ theories in A Vision that states of mind, acts of will, etc., are not separable from the particular phase in which a person currently is. So the Yeats-like speaker is an older man, still somewhat wrapped up in his own subjectivity. He does not see the huge and luminous world of the more objective-phase child. So his poem is a product of where he is in terms of spiritual phase. His final words may seem like romantic poetry in the optative mode, as in “if winter comes, can spring be far behind?”

But the trouble is that he isn’t dancing, that he cannot reenter the thoughts and dreams of childhood. He can only reflect upon his past, but the activity is not necessarily a comfort or a useful thing to him—he’s trying to come full circle, reflect back on his childhood and draw sustenance for his old age, wrap his mind around his life as a whole. But that kind of reflection is in itself Hamlet-like, and leads to further alienation, not to recuperation of the past. And so he remains distant from the children even in the midst of them.

“Byzantium”

What’s happening in Byzantium once the pilgrim arrives? We find spiritual transcendence being wrought from matter, from Roman “mire” and centuries of more vital history. Art and death have come together productively. Byzantium, in Yeats’ description, has become a place of transcendence, not the practical, political world of the Roman Empire.

Stanza 1: What has been made by human hands withdraws, disdains its makers and their mixture of mud and spirit. The domes and cathedrals are pure, illumined with celestial, not human, light.

Stanza 2: Mummy-cloth… is the winding path death? Is that the way out of mire?
Final Stanzas: Yeats was never satisfied with nature as an answer to the problems of self-conscious humans. You can see from “The Wilde Swans of Coole” that he aspires to a higher vision than nature could ever afford us. So here we find images begetting images, generating an alternative world, or a state that differs greatly from the unhappy one in which the speaker apparently finds himself.